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- <text id=94TT0395>
- <title>
- Apr. 11, 1994: Knight of The New Right
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1994
- Apr. 11, 1994 Risky Business on Wall Street
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- ITALY, Page 59
- Knight of The New Right
- </hdr>
- <body>
- <p>Media mogul Silvio Berlusconi rides into power with the help
- of neofascists
- </p>
- <p>By Kevin Fedarko--Reported by John Moody/Rome and Ann M. Simmons/Washington
- </p>
- <p> The first day of election week in Italy was an inauspicious
- one for Silvio Berlusconi. The media doge turned politician
- passed several fitful hours last Sunday watching in dismay as
- his championship Milan A.C. soccer team suffered a rare upset
- to archrival Naples. But there was no augury in the loss--at least not for the moment. Just seconds after 10 the following
- night, when two days' worth of voting was done, Berlusconi stood
- triumphant on Italy's center stage; Forza Italia (Go Italy!),
- the party he had conjured from thin air barely three months
- ago, had emerged as the most important force in the country.
- In concert with the Northern League and the neo-Fascist National
- Alliance, the so-called Freedom Alliance had elbowed aside 45
- years of corrupt postwar government. Armed with an absolute
- majority in the lower house of Parliament and close to a majority
- in the Senate, Berlusconi seemed certain to become the nation's
- next Prime Minister.
- </p>
- <p> Even before Berlusconi could savor his triumph, however, rifts
- opened in his fragile odd-bedfellows alliance. The federalists
- of the Northern League, weary of watching their tax money leave
- the region, yearn to hive off Italy's rich north from its impoverished
- south. But on the opposite flank, followers of the National
- Alliance prefer a unified Italian state and support the centralist
- policies of Benito Mussolini. Early Tuesday in Rome's Piazza
- del Popolo, a traditional rallying point, hundreds of admirers
- threw stiff-armed salutes and shouted, "Duce!"--the chant
- that greeted Mussolini seven decades ago. Three days later,
- Fini praised the former dictator who allied himself with Hitler
- as "the greatest statesman of the century."
- </p>
- <p> Thanks to the cross fire of contradictions that divide Berlusconi's
- two allies, the country again has the makings of a ruling coalition
- every bit as fractious as the 52 revolving-door administrations
- that came before. "It's a difficult alliance," Berlusconi concedes.
- But, adds Il Cavaliere ("the Knight," as he is known), "a general
- doesn't fight a war with the soldiers he wants. He fights with
- the ones he's got."
- </p>
- <p> A self-anointed reformer who promises an end to the kleptocracy
- that has passed for government in Italy, Berlusconi heads a
- $7 billion business empire that encompasses the country's three
- largest private television networks, its largest department-store
- chain, and a host of other holdings in publishing, sports, real
- estate and advertising. He owes much of his dazzling political
- ascendancy to the fact that he is one of the few top businessmen
- untainted by Italy's bribes-for-contracts scandal, which during
- the past two years has implicated more than 5,000 leading statesmen
- and businessmen and left a vacuum at the heart of Italian politics.
- </p>
- <p> Before Berlusconi's entry, a left-wing coalition led by the
- Democratic Party of the Left seemed poised to fill the breach.
- But the left's sweeping victory in municipal elections last
- December galvanized the media magnate to run for office--a
- decision he attributed to "love of my country" and a desire
- to prevent it from falling under the sway of former communists
- (some of whom had pledged to break up the media monopoly that
- provided up to a quarter of his revenues).
- </p>
- <p> Most such spectacular swan dives by inexperienced candidates
- into national elections turn out to be suicidal. Berlusconi's
- quest for votes, however, was conducted with all the trappings
- of a high-powered American-style advertising campaign, complete
- with public relations consultants and sound-bite coaching. Not
- surprisingly, the key to success was television. With three
- national networks at his disposal, the fledgling candidate was
- able to meticulously craft an image of himself as a savior of
- a country mired in economic stagnation and convulsed by scandal.
- Gaps in campaign broadcasting laws allowed him to beam his televised
- pitch directly into the living rooms of up to 45% of the country's
- TV viewers, blitzing voters with his vaguely worded commitment
- to family, business, freedom, profits
- and competition up to 18 times each day. Promising a Reaganesque
- agenda of reduced government spending combined with lower income
- taxes, Berlusconi vowed to revive Italy's economy.
- </p>
- <p> As long as Il Cavaliere's armor retains its luster, he will
- enjoy a mandate for his vision of change. Monday night, while
- he reaffirmed his promise to deliver a "new Italian miracle,"
- supporters careered through the streets of Rome blasting their
- car horns and crying "Silvio! Silvio!" It was display of jubilation
- not seen since the giddy summer of 1990, when soccer-mad Italy
- seemed on the brink of its fourth World Cup title. That dream,
- of course, was dashed when the home team lost to Argentina in
- the semifinals--a useful lesson to draw on the evanescence
- of miracles.
- </p>
-
- </body>
- </article>
- </text>
-
-